COLONEL JOHN BROWN 

OF PITTSFIELD, MASSACHUSETTS 
THE BRAVE ACCUSER OF 

BENEDICT ARNOLD 
an atiDrejSjS 

DELIVERED BEFORE THE FORT RENSSELAER CHAPTER OF THE 
D. A. R. AND OTHERS 

By ARCHIBALD M. HOWE 

AT THE 

VILLAGE OF PALATINE BRIDGE, NEW YORK 
September 29, 1908 



W.B.CLARKE COMPANY 

26 AND 28 Tremont Street 

BOSTON 

1908 



COLONEL JOHN BROWN 

OF PITTSFIELD, MASSACHUSETTS 
THE BRAVE ACCUSER OF 

BENEDICT ARNOLD 

DELIVERED BEFORE THE FORT RENSSELAER CHAPTER OF THE 
D. A. R. AND OTHERS 

By ARCHIBALD M. HOWE 

AT THE 

VILLAGE OF PALATINE BRIDGE, NEW YORK 
September 29, 1908 



W. B. CLARKE COMPANY 

26 AND 28 Tremont Street 

BOSTON 

1908 









GEO. H. ELLIS CO., PRINTERS, 272 CONGRESS ST., BOSTON. 



This address was delivered for the purpose of calling atten- 
tion to the present condition of the marble monument erected 
at Stone Arabia, N.Y., to the memory of Colonel Brown in 
1836, now insecure because the cemetery in the rear of Stone 
Arabia church is not properly maintained. 

The form of the address is slightly changed, but the writer 
will never forget the kindness of the Canajoharie and Palatine 
friends who greeted him and the wonderful beauty of Stone 
Arabia, a plateau north of the Mohawk at Palatine where our 
ancestors maintained a strong outpost against Indians and 
other adversaries. 



THE BRAVE ACCUSER OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 



John Brown, of Pittsfield, Mass., now almost forgotten, 
was a patriot in our Revolution of 1775 whose career has been 
described more than once by men in New York and in Berk- 
shire County, but, as it is now time to give more impartial 
views of the controversy, perhaps another sketch of the hfe 
of this leader may encourage others to search for clearer views 
of the ways by which our ancestors established the institu- 
tions which we hope are to endure. 

Daniel Brown, the father of Colonel John Brown, came 
from Haverhill, Mass., to the western part of the Common- 
wealth in 1752, when his son John was eight years old. He 
seems to have been first in the beautiful town of Sandisfield 
to take part in its local government, both secular and eccle- 
siastical. " Deacon Brown" is called prosperous when this new 
town on the banks of the Farmington River, east of the 
hills of the Housatonic, bade fair to equal Pittsfield as a trad- 
ing-place. "The Deacon" was a local magistrate under the 
king, when laymen served as judges. John, his youngest son, 
is described as tall and powerful, an athlete able to kick a 
football over the elm-tree on the college green at New Haven 
when he entered at twenty-three years of age, older in years 
than most college students of the year 1767. 

It is believed that he prepared for college with some citizen 
of the neighborhood, and it is known that he married before 
graduating in 1771. 

While at New Haven, he was fully informed of the peculiari- 
ties of Benedict Arnold, then a storekeeper, already disgraced 
in the eyes of respectable citizens because of his desertion 
from the British army and his reckless disregard for the rights 
of his creditors; for then the debtor was not allowed to retain 
his respectabihty, if he failed dishonestly. Furthermore, 
his self-assertion was recognized as too often a display of 
arrogance and vanity. Brown's sister EUzabeth had married 
Oliver Arnold, attorney-general of Rhode Island, a cousin of 



Benedict, and it is reasonable to suppose that he was well 
informed of Arnold's misdeeds, which thus became known 
to John Brown. 

In 1771, when he was graduated from Yale, only twenty men 
were of his class. Quite a large number of Yale graduates 
took part with the patriots, and Humphreys, one of the class 
of 1771, was aide-de-camp to Washington. He, I believe, 
is the only writer in verse who extolled this John Brown. 
How often we are indebted to poets for our heroes! If this 
John Brown had incited an insurrection and been hanged for 
killing his fellow-men contrary to law in time of peace, "his 
soul might be marching on." If, when he rode from Ticon- 
deroga on horse at a high rate of speed to Philadelphia, to in- 
form the Continental Congress that his friend Ethan Allen 
had taken possession of the fortress with its guns and ma- 
terials for war, some poet had described his ride, as Long- 
fellow portrayed Paul Revere's, the school children would still 
recall Brown of Pittsfield; but, my friends, 'tis of little moment 
that we are soon forgotten, if it be certain that, while we live, 
we live with moral courage in the life of every day. 

I do not intend to put much emphasis upon mihtary glory. 
I am trying to show that Brown's life by reason of its entire 
sincerity, although at times unsuccessful, was led, so far as we 
can know, by "a man every inch a man," holding fast to his 
ideals, fearless in the assertion of truth as he saw it, and di- 
rected by high principle; that, having all these noble attributes, 
his part in public affairs should now and then be rehearsed 
to show the value of goodness even amid the horrors of war. 

On December 10, 1772, a few months after graduation 
from Yale College, he was admitted to practise law in New 
York in the courts of Tryon County, a part of which is now 
Montgomery County, bearing the name of one of our noblest 
American generals, who led the attack on Quebec in December, 
three years later, where Brown served under him as a major of a 
Berkshire County regiment. Some writers call Brown king's 
attorney at Caughnawaga, whether rightly I know not, nor 
do I know why he came to the Mohawk Valley from Berk- 



shire, for Pittsfield was a growing frontier town. Perhaps 
Sir William Johnson's influence and his busy settlement offered 
some inducement to the young attorney, but it did not long 
have weight with him, for we find him in 1773 at Pittsfield, 
where another attorney of Loyalist tendencies had left town 
under coercion. 

Before I attempt to describe the civil and military career 
of John Brown from 1773 to his thirty-sixth birthday, when 
he was killed at Stone Arabia, I wish to call your attention 
to the peculiarities of the political situation in Berkshire 
County and its vicinity. On the north the New Hampshire 
Grants (now Vermont) had recently been disputed territory 
where local partisans, Ethan Allen and others, used coercion 
to maintain the claims of settlers against New York men 
claiming title. New York Colony on the west, though directed 
largely by men of high character like Philip Schuyler, was 
torn by bitter political differences, the Loyalist element being 
strong in social and political affairs. Then, although the Berk- 
shire towns were active from the earliest days of 1774 in shar- 
ing with other towns the plans for resistance to royal author- 
ity, they were very jealous of any continuance of unnecessary 
power in the Provincial Congress. Pittsfield by the quill of 
a cousin of Ethan Allen, the Rev. Thomas Allen, asserted 
that the town would remain "in a state of nature" [see Note 1] 
{i.e., simple democracy without representative government) 
unless it obtained new privileges. If the right of nominating 
to office is not vested in the people, they said, " we are indiffer- 
ent who assumes it, whether any particular persons on this or the 
other side of the water." They did not want any bosses, but 
no doubt would have voted for Governor Hughes. They were 
of the belief that the government of the respective commit- 
tees (County and Town, Committees of Correspondence and 
Inspection) was lenient and efficacious, but they hoped for a 
new Constitution "on such a broad basis of civil and religious 
liberty as no length of time will corrupt as long as the sun 
and moon shall endure. " They wished to elect judges by votes 
of the people of the county, justices of the peace by the voters 



of the towns, and of course allow soldiers to elect their com- 
pany officers. 

Brown was chosen judge of the Common Pleas by the Gen- 
eral Court of Massachusetts for 1779, but never held court, 
probably because his fellow-citizens were not submissive to 
the existing authority of the General Court as exercised be- 
fore the adoption of the new Constitution of Massachusetts. 
In such a state of affairs Berkshire took her part largely in her 
way when she sent men to fight the battles of the United 
Colonies. Her officers and men were often too independent 
to submit willingly to proper military authority, and in some 
trying emergencies the Berkshire men were insubordinate 
or were disposed to follow their leaders in attacks not always 
wisely chosen. It was Captain Asa Douglas, of Hancock, 
the man who had done much to promote the capture of Ti- 
conderoga by skilful recruiting and by pledge of his estate, 
who in May, 1776, was Chairman of a convention of Berkshire 
towns which, deluded by false rumors and influenced by their 
own prejudices against the noble General Schuyler, sent to Gen- 
eral Washington their doubts concerning his loyalty, although 
expressing their hope that his name might be handed down 
to posterity as one of the great pillars of the American Cause. 
Their hope is grandly fulfilled, but the Berkshire men have 
left us with some doubt as to their skill in judging of current 
events. However, on the twenty-sixth day of May, 1776, 
Mark Hopkins, as Secretary of this Convention, wrote to 
Washington to tell him their fears concerning Philip Schuyler 
were groundless. 

John Brown was twenty-nine years of age when he began 
his active citizenship at Pittsfield. He had lived in Berk- 
shire more than one-half his life. His experience on a farm, 
at college, near the sea, and for a short time in the Mohawk 
country among the Indians and white men of varying views 
about the king, made him worthy the confidence of Berkshire 
men; and he always had their support and their respect. 
What his literary attainments were we cannot tell. A few 
letters to General Lincoln and letters relating to military 



5 

affairs which appear in the archives give little opportunity 
for judging of his literary and professional skill. The in- 
ventory of his estate, giving in detail the names of law books, 
a surveyor's guide, a theological treatise, and a Bible, with 
farm implements and mihtary clothing, show something of the 
life of his time, when a man was farmer, surveyor, lawyer, 
and soldier altogether, and, if as active as John Brown, not 
much more able to write well-considered essays and books 
than if he had never seen Yale College. Alas! his fate in that 
regard is not unlike many graduates of our present time, who, 
having fine natures, strong traits of character, and ability 
enough to express themselves, are driven by commercial or 
other present activities to and fro from typewriter to tele- 
phone, often to die without using their minds calmly and 
without imparting to others much that they might have given 
to help the worid, had they been able to have peace in the 
midst of their busy lives. 

Pittsfield frequently employed Brown. In January, 1774, 
he was chosen to instruct the representative to the General 
Court in reference to the destruction of the tea at Boston. 
He was quite discriminating. While he opposed the useless 
waste of property by disguised men, he strongly denounced 
the British tyrannies. Within six months he was one of the 
Committee of Correspondence and a delegate to the County 
Congress at Stockbridge. In the fall of 1774 he acted as 
arbitrator with others to settle disputes following the common 
law and the Province laws when they did not interfere with 
the democracy of Berkshire. 

He was chosen Ensign of the Company of Minute Men, and 
finally delegate to the First Provincial Congress. This Con- 
gress appointed him to a very important Committee on Cor- 
respondence with Canada, and that winter the committee sent 
him to Canada with full power to get information, confer 
with Canadians, whether Enghsh or French, and report back 
the condirion of affairs and whether they would act with 
the Colonies. This mission was peaceful in its aim. He con- 
ferred with men from Montreal and Quebec, assuring all whom 



6 

he met that the Colonies desired peace with Great Britain, 
but, if war came, they would surely respect the rights of all 
men to worship God in their own way and would maintain a 
democratic form of government. 

Mr. Brown showed himself to be diplomatic and faithful. 
He endured much personal hardship and risk during the 
winter, and his report was most valuable. The part of it best 
known is under date of March 29, 1775, wherein he recom- 
mended that, if war came, Ticonderoga should be taken. " The 
people in the New Hampshire Grants," he wrote, "have en- 
gaged to do the job." Recently it has been stated that in 
February, 1775, he was at Chesterfield, Mass., and that about 
that time he led a party of Berkshire and Hampshire men 
to Deerfield and arrested a Tory or some Tories who were 
suspected of being in direct communication with General 
Gage at Boston. April 27, 1775, there appeared in the Hart- 
ford Courant a notice signed "John Brown" by order of the 
Committee of Inspection in the towns of Pittsfield, Richmond, 
and Lenox, in the following words: "Whereas Major Israel 
Stoddard and Woodbridge Little Esq., both of Pittsfield 
in the County of Berkshire, have fled from their respective 
homes and are justly esteemed the common pests of society 
and incurable enemies of their country and are supposed to 
be somewhere in New York Government moving sedition 
and rebellion against their country, it is hereby recommended 
to all friends of American liberty and to all who do not delight 
in the innocent blood of their countrymen, to exert them- 
selves that thej^ may be taken into custody and committed 
to some of his Majesty's jails till the civil war which has broken 
out in this Province shall be ended." Surely, Brown was an 
active partisan, though not at Lexington in April, 1775. In 
May he was at Ticonderoga with Ethan Allen, not holding any 
military rank. Allen commended him to the government 
as fit for mihtary command. 

The oft-told tale of how Ethan Allen took the fortress, pro- 
claiming its capture in the name of "Almighty God and the 
Continental Congress," need not be rehearsed here. Allen 



took possession of Ticonderoga, its garrison, and its valuable 
military property with the aid of Connecticut and Berkshire 
men, and at his request Brown rode his horse rapidly to Phila- 
delphia to announce to the Continental Congress the capture 
which was attained without their authority or aid. At this 
point Benedict Arnold must be referred to. In April, 1775, 
he had broken open an arsenal at New Haven, and with his 
militia company hurried to Cambridge. As he rode one day 
from New Haven towards Cambridge, he met Captain Parsons, 
who was going to Hartford to plan with some Connecticut 
leaders for the capture of Ticonderoga. Hearing Parsons's 
plan, Arnold pushed on to Watertown and got a commission 
from the Massachusetts government as colonel as well as an 
order for power to recruit men, for horses and ammunition. 
Meeting Ethan Allen on his way to Ticonderoga, Arnold pro- 
duced his Massachusetts authority, but not his men, on the 
same day that Allen was fully prepared for his work. Arnold 
began his interference with the concerted plan, hoping for a 
separate command and the glory of victory. He promised 
payments of money to Berkshire men from the southern 
towns, which he failed to pay from funds given him for that 
purpose. This was the beginning of an angry and long-con- 
tinued dispute between Easton, Brown's colonel, and Brown, 
on the one hand, and Arnold, on the other. Unhappily for 
Easton and Brown, as for all men who possess the truth about 
the characters of men who are undoubtedly able to fight bat- 
tles, though brutal and even wicked in their Uves, the con- 
troversy was long and bitter, but, while war exists, the common 
law and legal procedure rarely have weight and even martial 
law becomes ineffective. 

" War is hell," said the great Sherman. Hell is irrational, as 
is war. Reason fails to have even its usual part in man's 
destiny during all wars. Chance has sway, and men often 
get what is called glory when others, almost unknown to 
fame, should win the approval of all men. 

Whether Washington had his doubts about Arnold's char- 
acter may never be known, but more than once he gave him 



8 

opportunities to hold high command because he fought battles 
through. So Lincoln, when told that Grant drank whiskey, 
asked for more such whiskey for other generals. Sparks, the 
historian, a Unitarian clergyman, when writing Arnold's hfe, 
detailed his sins, his youthful desertion from the British 
army, his financial dishonor at New Haven, his overbearing 
self-assertion, and yet he added, when telUng of the attitude 
of the members of Congress towards Arnold, that "these 
stern patriots, regarding virtue as essential to true honor, did 
not consider great examples of valor, resource, and energy 
even of arousing and sustaining the military ardor of a country 
as an adequate counterpoise to a dereliction of principle and 
a compromising integrity." "How far a judicious policy and 
a pure patriotism were combined on this occasion," writes 
Sparks, "as to what extent party zeal contributed to warp 
the judgment, we need not now inquire." 

And here, my friends, is our solemn warning against war. 
No inquiry will ever justify war. War is justified only upon 
the sad assumption that, as men are "poor weak mortals" 
and naturally wicked, they will go to war, and justice fails 
where might makes right. Who thinks I can here and now 
fully justify John Brown as a soldier, if he was too aggressive 
in attack or too ardent in his antagonism of a dastardly 
traitor whom he knew through and through, but whom Wash- 
ington, Schuyler, and other generals felt obUged to support? 
Perhaps not fully justify on the grounds that seem necessary 
to the success of war, but I can fully support Brown as a man 
who fought nobly for his country and in defence of the unpro- 
tected inhabitants of the Mohawk Valley, who was never false 
to his aims as an American patriot, who served with distinc- 
tion under Allen, Montgomery, Schuyler, Arnold, Lincoln, and 
Van Rensselaer, and finally died while attempting to defend 
the Canajoharie settlements from the hostile attack of a mur- 
derous foe and acting in obedience to the command of his 
superior officer. 

When the Massachusetts government understood the situa- 
tion at Lake Champlain, Brown was appointed major of the 



9 

Berkshire Regiment, and sent again to Canada with four 
scouts. This time the business was very dangerous. The 
French Canadians often helped him, but he might have been 
treated as a spy, and a military police chased him for many 
miles with two parties of fifty men each. On his return he 
reached Crown Point within a day of the time General Schuyler 
had expected him, after five days on the lake in a canoe. 
Early in August, 1775, he urged by letter and every other 
means in his power the immediate invasion of Canada. Soon 
he was put in command of a flotilla on Lake Champlain, and 
then followed his well-known exploits at St. Johns and Cham- 
blee, where he co-operated with James Livingston, a brave 
New Yorker. His capture of Chamblee on the 19th of October, 
1775, just five years before his death, brought promises of 
reward from Congress. Then came the reckless expedition 
of Ethan Allen which led to his capture, and which has long 
been believed to be the result of a failure on the part of Brown 
to co-operate with Allen when he could have supported him. 
Here the burden of proof rests on the accusers of Brown, 
and they never have had other proof than an implication 
drawn from the "Allen's narrative" that he did not make 
his best effort to help him, although Allen does not make any 
direct charge. Furthermore, the narrative is often far from 
correct; and as Allen was reckless in act and statement, and 
as Brown was continued in service under Montgomery, who 
was friendly to him, we may infer that Brown's failure was 
unavoidable. Allen's plan was not approved by Schuyler 
or Montgomery. Washington hoped that Allen's misfortune 
^' would teach a lesson of prudence and subordination to 
others who may be anxious to outshine their general officers." 
It has been intimated that Brown was one of these junior 
officers who chafed under the limitations set by his superiors, 
but he certainly retained his position as a regimental officer, 
and achieved such results in this Canadian invasion during 
the advance to Quebec that he was highly commended by 
his associates, promised promotion by Montgomery, and 
finallj'^ given his Lieutenant-colonelcy by Congress. He took 



10 

part in the attack of December 31, 1775, on Quebec, and on 
the death of Montgomery served under Arnold for months, 
commanding a detachment of Berkshire and other men who 
were willing to re-enhst if he stayed. [See Note 2.] One of 
his letters written to his wife, March 15, 1776, when command- 
ing an outpost near Quebec, says he expects to be "another 
Uriah because he does not agree very well with Mr. General 
Arnold." He had been "ordered to attack with his attach- 
ment of two hundred men, one-half of whom were sick in the 
hospital" (his brave brother. Captain Jacob Brown, died of 
small-pox). He himself marched out with his men, but the 
enemy retired into their fort too soon for him to attack them. 
He "expected another storm from Arnold, or to be punished 
for disobedience to orders." Truly, he was not easily subor- 
dinate to Arnold, but he was not again "set in the forefront 
of the battle, that others might retire from him and that 
he might be smitten and die," as David planned for Uriah, 
because he was truly loyal to the cause he so nobly served, 
and Arnold did not dare to destroy him. 

To fully describe his conduct in denouncing Arnold and 
Arnold's tergiversation and intrigues against him would lead 
me far afield. No doubt his accusations interfered with 
Arnold's promotion by Congress, — promotion he earned as 
a great leader in battle, — but as an officer responsible for prop- 
erty he was repeatedly unsuccessful. Brown again and again 
renewed his charges against the arch-traitor, but was not 
able to get proper attention from the tribunals that should 
have relieved him from Arnold's false charges. [See Note 3.] 

Again and again historians declare that Arnold was led to 
treason because he had been unjustly treated by the Conti- 
nental Congress. What a false view this is! He is willing 
enough to throw himself into battle for glory and for his 
country's honor at Saratoga without definite authority, and 
again he was ready for a fight or an expedition for the relief 
of this valley when he could lead, but he was always in trouble 
financially. His Philadelphia extravagances and the increase 
of his indebtedness did not escape all censure. 



11 

Although Washington mildly rebuked him, he gave him 
new offers of high command. It is clear to me that any such 
statements as are indulged in by historians are of no weight 
or consequence. 

I cannot help referring to Colonel Brown's hand-bill of the 
winter of 1776-77, published and posted in pubHc places, 
wherein he attacked Arnold with great severity, concluding 
with the words, "Money is this man's God, and to get enough 
of it he would sacrifice his country." A prophecy! Unhap- 
pily, the same might be said of too many men of to-day. 
Another incident painful to recall, but characteristic, was told 
to my great-uncle in 1834 by Colonel Morgan Lewis, a friend 
of Colonel Brown's, and printed elsewhere. At the camp 
and in the tent where Arnold sat with other officers at some 
time during the Saratoga campaign. Brown faced the arch- 
traitor and denounced him as a scoundrel, and then, apologiz- 
ing to those present, left the tent. His reiterated charges 
were not regarded as worthy of him as a soldier, although 
he had resigned from the Continental service because he could 
not get justice and because Arnold was not tried for his crimes. 
Schuyler deplored Brown's conduct as an accuser though 
respecting him as a brave man. 

I am unable to account for the record which accredits him 
with thirteen months' and eighteen days' service at German 
Flats, New York. From April 1, 1776, to May 18, 1777, he was 
Lieutenant-colonel of Elmore's Connecticut Regiment, which 
was stationed at Albany and later at Fort Stanwix. I suppose 
his resignation from the Continental army was accepted about 
Mayl8, 1777, but, whatever his loyal service in New York may 
have been, he again marched in September, 1777, in com- 
mand of Massachusetts militia under direction of General 
Lincoln, from Pawlet, Vt., with a separate detachment to 
harry the British at Ticonderoga and Lake George. On the 
18th of September, 1777, early in the day he made sudden 
and successful attacks on the landing-place near Ticonderoga, 
Mount Defiance, and that neighborhood, demanding the sur- 
render of the fortress; but this time General Powel, of the 



12 

British army, made a manly reply. His captures of men and 
material were very valuable. Some American prisoners were 
released, and a Continental standard of colors was recaptured 
and sent to General Lincoln with much delight. All the joy 
of conquest is expressed in his report from Pawlet, Vt., October 
4, 1777, but in his letter of September 20, written at eleven 
o'clock at night to General Lincoln, he said he was censured 
by officers and men for not suffering them to make a rash 
attempt to carry the fortress at Ticonderoga, although on 
mature consideration he thought it impossible to take pos- 
session without too great loss of life. Here as late as 1777 
appears the tendency of the mihtia to be insubordinate. 
He withdrew from Lake Champlain, and planned the capture 
of Diamond Island in Lake George, a place where some German 
troops were guarding a large amount of supplies. He had 
manned an armed sloop and boats, but was thwarted by the 
escape of a prisoner and a sudden and violent storm on the 
lake. The prisoner gave warning to the garrison, and the 
result of the storm gave time for the preparation of a defence, 
so that after two hours' hot engagement he withdrew after 
destroying some of his boats. General Lincoln commended 
him highly for the success of this expedition. He wrote to 
General Lincoln September 19, 1777, telling him he had given 
the men all the plunder to encourage them before the attack, 
although "going beyond the letter of the law." This action 
General Lincoln approved. 

The question of plunder and the martial law governing it 
must have been a great source of trouble in this war among 
Indians and white men in the invasion of Canada and the 
Tory invasions hereabouts. [See Note 4.] It seems probable 
that, when Arnold falsely charged Easton and Brown with 
plundering the baggage of British officers at the Sorel, he 
could easily cast a shadow because of the uncertainty about 
the rules of war and the orders given by general officers. 
Plunder was promised the men by recruiting officers as early 
in the war as when the plan was laid by Ethan Allen to capture 
Ticonderoga in April or May, 1775. [See Note 5.] 



13 

In the early part of the summer of 1780 rumors were received 
tending to show that Sir John Johnson might again invade 
the Mohawk Valley, this time by way of Lake Ontario and 
Lake Oneida. Therefore, on the twenty-second day of June, 
1780, the General Court of Massachusetts, at the earnest 
request of General Washington, directed that 4,726 men 
should be raised from the mihtia by draft, lot or voluntary 
enlistment, to serve three months in New York territory 
after they arrived at Claverack on the Hudson. These levies, 
by reason of apparent danger to the cause in Rhode Island, 
with the exception of 315 or more men raised in Berkshire 
County, were sent to General Heath at Tiverton, R.I. Various 
meagre statements are in print in reference to the men who 
served under Brown at this time. I find in the Massachusetts 
Archives the names of officers and privates, in all 381 men, 
who served in the Mohawk Valley probably after August 5, 
1780. [See Note 4.] It may be that some of his men were sta- 
tioned in different forts or block-houses in other places than 
Stone Arabia, and that only 217 men of the Berkshire Regi- 
ment were in the battle of October 19, 1780. The killed and 
wounded are all from three of the five companies. [See Note 
4.] Some writers say that Colonel Brown had New York 
men with him, and one statement refers to Captain John 
Kasselman, of Tryon County Rangers, as being in conference 
with Brown on the day he fell. [See Note 4.] 

Each soldier was equipped at his own expense with a good 
fire-arm, with a steel or iron ramrod and a spring to retain the 
same, a worm priming wire and brush, and a bayonet fitted 
to his gun, a scabbard and belt therefor, and a cutting sword 
or a tomahawk or hatchet, a pouch containing a cartridge- 
box that will hold fifteen rounds of cartridges at least, a one- 
hundred buckshot, a jack-knife and tow for wadding, six flints, 
one pound of powder, forty leaden balls fitted to his gun, a 
knapsack and blanket, a canteen or wooden bottle sufficient 
to hold one quart. 

Long after the Stone Arabia fight, claims were presented 
to the General Court of Massachusetts for felt hats, coats, 



14 

vests, linen overalls, shirts, shoes, blankets, canteens, and 
handkerchiefs, and of course for muskets, — all lost on the 19th 
of October, 1780. 

Brown's major was Ohver Root, his adjutant James Easton, 
Jr., son of his old colonel. Dr. Oliver Brewster was surgeon, 
and Elias Willard quartermaster. He assumed command 
July 14, 1780, at Claverack, and marched probably August 5 
to some of the Mohawk settlements or forts. His mission was 
to protect various neighborhoods from sudden raids. 

September 5 he was sent with two hundred men from Fort 
Rensselaer to Fort Schuyler to guard twelve boats with pro- 
visions for the relief of the garrison. September 11 he is 
reported as one of the officers of Van Rensselaer's force at 
Fort Rensselaer (part of which — a well preserved stone house — 
remains at Canajoharie under the care of young citizens of 
that town, being the place where the Tryon County Committee 
of patriots met). I cannot tell where he was for the month 
prior to the 19th of October, when he was in command 
at Fort Paris, a palisaded enclosure of stone block-houses fit 
for a garrison of over two hundred men, built in 1776-77 by 
Captain Christian Getman's Rangers on a most commanding 
position on the beautiful plateau called Stone Arabia, north 
of the Mohawk between Garoga Creek and Johnstown, where 
Sir William Johnson's baronial hall was. The fort was more 
than a dozen miles from Johnstown, and was named for Isaac 
Paris, who took part in the terrible affair at Oriskany. Sir 
John Johnson and his career in Tryon County and elsewhere 
in New York is well known. To me the whole subject of 
Indian warfare in all our wars seems to open every possible 
avenue to the extremest horrors and brutalities of war. Philip 
Schuyler, one of the noblest men who ever lived in New York 
State, had from his early youth been friendly to Indians. In 
fact, before he reached twenty-one years of age, he was given 
a chief's name among the Oneidas for his services to that 
tribe. His skill and patience made him all important in 
making treaties and negotiations with "The Six Nations" 
and other Indians. The Patriots very early realized that 



15 

the Indians were to become a stumbling-block to any attempt 
at treating with Canada or maintaining what is called civilized 
warfare (can any warfare be civilized?). Schuyler, Hawley, 
Oliver Wolcott, and other distinguished men of high charac- 
ter attempted in vain to hold the Indians to neutrality. Con- 
gress at one time voted that Indians should not be employed 
in the service excepting where a whole nation, after full con- 
sideration, decided to act together. At another time Congress 
asked Schuyler to employ two thousand Indians for military 
service. Sir John Johnson's career, his apparent acquiescence 
in Schuyler's demands, his conduct when taking and when 
breaking his parole, his apology being that the Patriots had 
no estabhshed authority, and his repeated invasions of this 
country showed him to be the growth of the treachery which 
is bred among men who use the sordid and brutal nature of 
savages for evil purposes. 

It is interesting to me that Lieutenant-colonel Mellen led 
Massachusetts mihtia to Fort Schuyler to aid Gansevoort, 
and that, when in August, 1777, Arnold set out to the rehef 
of Gansevoort he led Massachusetts volunteers from Colonel 
Learned's battaHon, and that again in the summer and fall 
of 1780 Brown led Massachusetts men to defend this neighbor- 
hood from the murderous invasion of Sir John Johnson. At 
Oriskany, Herkimer was hurried into action by his inferior 
officers in the manner characteristic of the independent and 
valorous spirit of his time, and Oriskany in 1777 was one of 
the most brutal conflicts between Tories and Patriots. Sulli- 
van's retahating expedition of July, 1778, was as bad in 
its character and effects as anything ever done on behalf 
of any cause, good or bad. The destruction of many Indian 
villages by Sullivan and General James Clinton was no doubt 
thorough, but of Httle avail, although it was thought wise 
to retaliate for the horrors of Wyoming. 

Early in May, 1780, the information came to this neighbor- 
hood that Sir John Johnson was moving from Lake Cham- 
plain towards Johnstown with a considerable force, that Brant 
was marching against the Canajoharie settlements with a 



16 

body of savages and that the Tories would join them. John- 
son landed at Bulwagga Bay, near Crown Point, and, pushing 
through the forest and down the valley of the Sacandoga, 
he appeared near Johnstown. On the 21st of May, 1780, 
his forces divided, and poured into the lower valley of the 
Mohawk along a line of ten miles. From Tribes Hill upward 
they plundered, murdered, and destroyed. Every man cap- 
able of bearing arms was said to have been killed. Johnson 
withdrew hastily, as he was pursued by militia. Of course 
hundreds of people fled to Albany and Schenectady. Gov- 
ernor Clinton hurried at the head of troops from Kingston to 
Fort George, and, ordering others to meet him at Ticonderoga, 
he pushed on to Crown Point, but was too late to capture 
Sir John. 

Brant delayed his attack until late in July, 1780, and then 
made a feigned attack on Fort Schuyler. General Van Rens- 
selaer, then at Stone Arabia, hastened to the relief of Fort 
Schuyler, and Brant in early August fell upon the Canajo- 
harie settlements and destroyed them mercilessly. Troops 
were sent from Albany to protect the settlements, but they 
were not sufficient. 

September 7 an extra session of the New York legislature 
sat at Poughkeepsie, and authorized Governor Clinton to order 
out such number of militia as he thought necessary. Briga- 
dier-General James Chnton was assigned command at Albany 
and authorized to call for assistance from the brigades of 
Generals Ten-Broeck and Van Rensselaer. As I have already 
said, Colonel Brown on the 18th of October was in command 
at Fort Paris, subject to orders of General Robert Van Rens- 
selaer. Fort Paris was two or three miles north of the Mo- 
hawk. In September and early October Sir John Johnson led 
his forces by way of the Oswego River, Oneida Lake, and 
across country to the Susquehanna Valley. He ravaged the 
Schoharie Valley, laid siege to Middle Fort unsuccessfully, 
then, turning north, raided all the country from Fort Hunter. 
He let loose his forces for the general purpose of devastation. 
He again did his work thoroughly, — brutally, as was cu.stomary 



17 



in Indian warfare at that time. Major Jelles Fonda, one of 
the victims of this ruthless destruction, who had been a con- 
fidential officer under Sir William Johnson, was absent, being 
a State senator. Sir John's forces burned his homestead, 
"The Nose," at Palatine, and destroyed, it is said, $60,000 worth 
of his property. On the night of October 18 Sir John en- 
camped with his forces nearly opposite or rather above the 
Nose, and on the 19th he crossed the river to the north at 
Keder's Rifts, near Spraker's Basin. A detachment of 150 
men proceeded at once against Fort Paris, but, after marching 
two miles, the main body joined them. 

October 18 General Van Rensselaer found Caughnawaga in 
flames. He was in camp on a hill near Stanton Place in Florida, 
perhaps twenty miles from Fort Paris, when he heard that that 
fort was to be attacked the next morning. 'Tis said he sent 
a messenger with a letter to Colonel Brown and another to 
Colonel Dubois at Fort Plain, telling Brown to march out 
of the fort at nine o'clock the next morning and hold the 
enemy in check, while Dubois and he with his force were to 
co-operate. Furthermore, it is said, Brown's officers and men 
advised him to disobey the order, as that was not the time 
to leave the fort. However, he marched forth at the head 
of his detachment, but, being deceived by the false advice of 
persons pretending to be patriots, he was led to turn aside 
from the road upon which he marched out into a somewhat 
narrow clearing in the forest near a small work called Fort 
Keyser, and was killed nearly two miles from Fort Paris, being 
attacked on every side in what amounted to an ambuscade. 

Captain John Ziele, of the Second Regiment of Tryon County 
militia, Colonel Klock's Regiment, had charge of Fort Keyser 
that day; and after Brown's defeat George Spraker, John 
Wafel, Joseph and Conrad Spraker, William Wafel, and War- 
ner (?) Dygert, with two or three other young men, were 
ready to defend the place from attack, but the enemy fled, 
whereupon William Wafel, Joseph and Conrad Spraker, and 
W. Dygert proceeded to where Brown lay and carried his 
body to Fort Keyser. His scalp was entirely removed, and 



18 

he was stripped of all his clothing excepting a ruffled shirt. 
After hard fighting, thirty men or more being killed, some of his 
men got back to Fort Paris and defended themselves successfully, 
thus saving the refugees therein from harm. Major Root was 
in command, and acted skilfully and bravely. Mr. Grider de- 
scribes the battle as a running or moving fight extending from 
the eastward to the south-west at least across six farms, and 
you all know how valuable the evidence is showing that the 
large boulder with its inscription was the stone behind which 
six men found refuge and shelter until surrounded and killed. 

Washington wrote to the Continental Congress : "It is thought, 
and perhaps not without foundation, that this invasion [of 
the Mohawk Valley] was made by Sir John Johnson upon 
the supposition that Arnold's treachery was successful." 

If Johnson acted upon that supposition, Arnold was in some 
measure the cause of Brown's death, but, however that may 
be, John Brown died honorably after living honorably at Stone 
Arabia the 19th of October, 1780, — it is said between nine o'clock 
and ten o'clock in the morning. 

I said that poets had not presented him to popular imagina- 
tion, but his devoted classmate at Yale, David Humphreys, 
aide-de-camp to General Washington in 1780, wrote verses 
to his memory. Among his words are these: — 

"And scarce Columbia's arms the fight sustains, 
While her best blood gushed from a thousand veins. 
Then thine, O Brown, that purpled wide the ground, 
Pursued the knife through many a ghastly wound. 
Ah! hapless friend, permit the tender tear 
To flow e'en now, for none flowed on thy bier. 
Where cold and mangled, under northern skies, 
To famished wolves a prey, thy body lies, 
Which erst so fair and tall in youthful grace, 
Strength in thy nerves and beauty in thy face. 
Stood like a tower till, struck by the smft ball. 
Then what availed to ward th' untimely fall, 
The force of limbs, the mind so well informed, 
The taste refined, the breast with friendship warmed 
(That friendship which our earliest years began). 
When the dark bands from thee expiring tore 
Thy long hair, mingled with the spouting gore." 



19 

We do not know whether the news of Arnold's flight from 
West Point September 25 reached Brown's ears. Perhaps, if 
it did, he would have appreciated the patriotic and lofty self- 
control of Washington when the next day he wrote to Rocham- 
beau: "General Arnold, who has sullied his former glory by 
the blackest treason, has escaped to the enemy." "This is 
an event that occasions me equal regret and mortification, 
but traitors are the growth of every country in a revolution 
of the present nature. It is more to be wondered at that the 
catalogue is so small than that there have been found a few." 

Arnold's flight to the enemy was his flight from what all 
men, excepting Brown and a few others [see Note 6], supposed 
was his soul's desire; i.e., to serve the people of America to 
the death. For twenty-one years after 1780 he lived, pur- 
suing a checkered career. John Fiske said he often looked 
at the sword given him for his valor at Saratoga, and bemoaned 
the results of his treason. However that may be, his name 
is remembered with harshness and disgust, — the result of an 
untruthful life. 



20 



Note 1. 

"in a state of nature." See "The Struggle for American Independence," 
Fieher, vol. i, p. 27 et seq. Burlamaqui's "Principles of Natural Law." 

Note 2. 

See "New York in the Revolution," vol. i, p. 61. "The Line, Addi- 
tional Corps, Green Mountain Boys, Major Brown's Detachment in Gen- 
eral Arnold's Regiment." 244 men. 

/ take great pleasure in this record. Some writers have intimated that 
Brown was insubordinate at Quebec because Montgomery referred to one 
of his friends as going beyond proper bounds in objecting to Arnold. If 
so, why does Arnold permit Brown to remain in command? Some men 
went home after the defeat of December 31, 1775, others fled. Fisher says 
Arnold had only seven hundred men, of which the Brown detachment is a 
large part, — no doubt induced to stay because they trusted him. 

Note 3. 

Smith's History of Pittsfield, 1734-1800, p. 271:— 

To the Honorable Horatio Gates, Esq., Major-General in the Army of the 
United States of America, commanding at Albany. 

Humbly sheweth, that, in the month of February last, Brig.-Gen . 
Arnold transmitted to the honorable Continental Congress, an unjusti- 
fiable, false, wicked, and malicious accusation against me, and my char- 
acter as an officer in their service, at the time when I was under his im- 
mediate command; that, had there been the least ground for such an 
accusation, the author thereof had it in his power — indeed, it was his 
duty — to have me brought to a fair trial by a general court-martial in 
the country where the pretended crime is said to have originated; that 
I was left to the necessity of applying to Congress, not only for the charge 
against me, but for an order for a court of inquiry on my own conduct 
in respect thereto; that, in consequence of my application, I obtained 
a positive order of Congress to the then general commanding the North- 
em Department for a court of inquiry, before whom I might justify my 
injured character; that the said order was transmitted to your Honor at 
Ticonderoga, in the month of August last; and, notwithstanding the 
most ardent solicitations on my part, the order of Congress has not yet 
been complied with; that, upon my renewing my application to your 
Honor for a court of inquiry, you were pleased to refer me to the Board 
of War. 

Thus I have been led an expensive dance, from generals to Congress, 



21 



and trom Congress to generals; and I am now referred to a Board of War 
who, I venture to say, have never yet taken cognizance of any such mat- 
ter; nor do I thmk it, with great submission to your Honor, any part of 
their duty. I must therefore conclude, that this information, from the 
mode of Its origin, as well as from the repeated evasions of a fair hearing 
IS now rested upon the author's own shoulders. 

I therefore beg that your Honor will please to order Brig.-Gen Arnold 
in arrest for the following crimes, which I am ready to verify viz •— 

1. For endeavoring to asperse your petitioner's personal' character in 
the most infamous manner. 

2. For unwarrantably degrading and reducing the rank conferred on 
your petitioner by his (Gen. Arnold's) superior officers, and subjecting 

r"ointed "^'*° '^""^^ '" ^"^ '°^^"°' "^''^ *° *^'''* *° """^'"^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^'^ 
^.i ^;'^ "^g«^*l«™anlike conduct in his letter to Gen. Wooster of the 
-5th of January last, charging your petitioner with a falsehood, and in a 
pnvate manner, which is justly chargeable on himself 

4. For suffering the small-pox to spread in the camp before Quebec 
and promotmg inoculation there in the Continental army 

5. For depriving a part of the army under his command of their usual 
allowance of provisions, ordered by Congress. 

offi^cer^"' interfering with and countermanding the order of his superior 

7. For plundering the inhabitants of Montreal, in direct violation of a 
solemn capitulation, or agreement, entered into with them by our late 
brave and worthy Gen. Montgomery, to the eternal disgmce of the Con- 
tinental arms. 

8. For giving unjustifiable, unwarrantable, cruel and bloody orders 
directing whole villages to be destroyed, and the inhabitants thereof put 
to death by fire & sword, without any distinction to friend or foe age 
or sev ' o^ 



9. For entering into an unwarrantable, unjustifiable & partial 
agreement with Capt Foster for the exchange of prisoners taken at the 
Cedars, without the knowledge, advice, or consent of any officer then 
there present with him on the spot. 

fhl\ ^""Yf^^'J i"o^"l^tio° of the Continental Army at Sorel, without 
the knowledge of, and contrary to the intentions of the general com- 
mandmg that Northern Department; by which fatal consequences en- 

T ]!'n^' ^T^' ™^f°^d"«* i° hi« command of the Continental fleet on 
l^ake Champlain, which occasioned the loss thereof 

12. For great misconduct during his command from the camp at Cam- 
bi-idge, m the year 1775, until he was superseded by Gen. Montgomer>^ 
at Point Aux-Tremble, near Quebec. 



22 

13. For disobedience of the orders of his superior officers, while acting 
by a commission from the Provincial Congress of the Province of Massa- 
chusetts Bay; and for a disobedience of the orders of a committee of the 
same Congress, sent from that State to inspect his conduct, and also for 
insulting, abusing, and imprisoning the said committee; as also for a 
treasonable attempt to make his escape with the naAdgation men, at or near 
Ticonderoga, to the enemy at St. Johns, which oblidged the then command- 
ing officer at Ticonderoga and its dependencies to issue a positive order 
to the officers commanding our batteries at Crown Point, to stop or sink 
the vessels attempting to pass that post, and by force of arms to make 
a prisoner of the said Gen. Arnold (then a colonel), which was accordingly 
done. 

John Brown, Lieutenant-Colonel . 

Albany, 1st Dec, 1776. 

PiTTSFiELD 9th June 177» 
Sir 

I send you the enclosed hope you will present it to Congress the 
first opportunity not doubting their Disposition to do equal Justice 
to Persons of every Denomination in these united States, and that in jus- 
tice in my instance must be owing rather to misinformation than anj'thing 
else, altho in the present Case it is scarcely supposable. 

The very extraordinary trial alluded to in the Petition is truly a Matter 
of Surprize to every Officer and Citizen in this part of the World and is 
of such a dangerous tendency that I think it ought to be attended to, 
what is more extraordinary it is I am told the only trial of the kind ever 
had in Congress. — In the Year 1776 I petitioned to Congress for a trial 
who refused me, giving for reason that Congress was not a proper tribunal 
and therefore refered me to the Officer conunanding the northern 
Department. 

Genl. Arnold on the First application obtained a hearing and determi- 
nation on that Principle I am a Stranger 

I am with the greatest Respect 

Your hons. most obedt most hmbl Sert. 

Jno. Brown. 
The honle. Jno. Jay Esq. 
Predt. Congress 

(Continental Congress Papers, no. 42, Petitions, vol. i. 179>) 
The HONie THE Congress 

The Memorial and Remonstrance of John Brown of Pittsfield in the 
State of the Massachusetts Bay humbly sheweth — 

That in the Month of Novr. 1777 Your Petitioner was passing through 
York Town to the Southord when he waited on the honWe Charles 
Thompson Esqr Secy to Congress, who favoured your petitioner with 



23 

a Copy of the very extreordinary Trial of Genl. Arnold of which the fol- 
lowing is an Extract Viz "In Congress May 20th 1777 — 

A Letter this Day from Genl. Arnold with a printed Paper inclosed 
signed John Brown was read, order'd that the same be refered to the 
Board of War together with such Complaints as have been lodged agt. 
Genl. Arnold." By this your Petitioner would suppose that the Board 
of War were directed not only to take into consideration his Complaint, 
but all others that have been lodged agt. Genl. Arnold, particularly those 
lodged by a General Court Martial composed by thirteen of the principle 
Officers at Tycondoroga in the Year 1776 as well as those lodged by Colo. 
Hazen & others altho it does not appear that any other Matter of Com- 
plaint was determined on, but that contained in the hand Bill signed 
John Brown on which the Board of War Report — 

"That the Genl. laid before them a variety of original Letters orders 
and other papers, which together with the General's own account of his Con- 
duct, confirmed by Mr. Carroll one of the late Commissioners in Canada 
now a Member of this Board, have given intire Satisfaction to this Board 
concerning the General's Character and Conduct, so cruelly and ground- 
lessly aspersed in the Publication." 

Your Petitioner begs leave to affirm that Mr. Carroll whatever he 
might wish knew nothing more or less as a Witness concerning the Charges 
laid agt. Genl. Arnold owing to an unlucky Alieubi, which happened 
with respect to him in regard to all the Charges laid in the Complaint. 
Still how far his evidence might go in assisting Genl. Arnold in proving 
his negatives your Petitioner does not pretend to say, as this is an intire 
new mode of Trial. 

First Because one of the Parties was not notified or present at the 
same, consequently the trial ex parte unconstitutional and illegal on 
every principle. 

Secondly Because there was not one Witness at the Trial who will 
pretend he even had it in his Power to disprove one of the Charges in the 
Complaint. 

Thirdly with the greatest Respect to Congress they had not the least 
Right to take cognizance of the Crimes enumerated in my complaint, 
for the truth of this assertion I beg leave to refer them to the military 
Laws by them compiled and instituted for the Regulation of the Army, 
which are the only security and protection of the Officers and Soldiers 
belonging to the same, consequently no other Court or Tribunal would 
have any Right to take cognizance of the Crimes enumerated but that 
of a Court Martial, and therefore the trial of the Genl. above recited was 
strictly a nuUety to all intents and purposes it being Coram non Judice. 
However should Congress be of a Different opinion with respect to this 
Matter, and that that the Trial of Genl. Arnold was legal & constitutional, 
he then expects that Congress will give him the same indulgence and 



24 

latitude, and that he may be heard by congress on the subject of his 
Impeachment of Genl. Arnold, in which Case the General's presents & 
witnesses will not be necessary. Your Petitioner therefore esteems it 
as a very great grieveance that the Honle. Congress by the trial aforesaid 
have resolved and published and authorised Genl. Arnold to publish 
to the World that he your Petitioner has been guilty of making and 
publishing false and groundless aspertions agt. a general Officer, when 
at the same time every article in the Complaint was sacredly true, and 
would have been proved so had a proper tribunal been obtained, of which 
Genl. Arnold was well apprized. 'Tis possible that Genl. Arnold might 
liave suggested to Congress that your Petitioner was not an Officer at 
the time of trial afd. as to this Matter your Petitioner has not as yet 
been infonned whether his Resignation has been accepted or not, indeed 
he cannot suppose it compatible with the Wisdom Dignity and Justice 
of Congress to descharge any of their Officers for the Reason set forth in 
your Petitioners Letter accompanying his Resignation as he then stood 
impeach'd to Congress by the same Genl. Arnold of every high Crimes 
which if true effected the Reputation of the united States and Genl. 
Arnold's sacred Character stood then impeached by your Petitioners of 
thirteen capital Charges, which in the opinion of those most knowing 
would have effected the life of a more honest Man, in consequence of a 
proper trial before a generous Court Martial — on these considerations 
your Petitioner presumes his Resignation was not accepted but on Sup- 
position it was, yet your Petitioner conceives that to make no material 
odds, as it can not be presumed that congress would try a Citizen with- 
out a hearing, whatever they may imagine their authority to be. How- 
ever let this matter be as it may Congress are sensible that your Petitioner 
notwithstanding the most flagrant abuses received was not out of Service 
from the commencement of the War untill the reduction of the british 
Army under the Commandg genl. Burgoyne, in which he challenges to 
himself some show [?] of merit since no one else (to his knowledge) has 
been willing to give it him. 

Your Petitioner is sensible that Congress at the time of Genl. Arnold's 
application for a trial were imbarrassed on all Quarters, and no doubt 
laboured under high prejudices with Respect to your Petitioners Char- 
acter owing perhaps to the Representations made them by Genl. Gates, 
who 'tis possible has been mistaken to his Sorrow with respect to his 
Friend — which prejudices your Petitioner hopes time and events have 
eradicated, he therefore can assure Congress, that he hopes and wishes 
for nothing more than common justice altho the History of the War and 
hLs present infirmities received therein, might entitle him to something 
more. But to stand conviction by a Decree of Congress of publishing 
cruel and groundless assertions or Libels without a hearing when actually 
fighting for Liberty is intolerable in a free Country and has a direct ten- 



25 

dency to check the ambition, and even disaffect those Men by whose 
wisdom Valour and perseverance America is to be made free, not to 
mention the dangerous president such trials may afford. Your Petitioner 
therefore implores Congress to reconsider their determination on the 
impeachment of Genl. Arnold, as there cannot at this Day remain a 
possibility of Doubt but that the same was premature, and furnished 
Genl. Arnold with a foundation to establish a Character on the Ruins 
of a Man who to speak moderately has rendered his Country as essential 
[?] Service as that Donquixote Genl. whose reasons for evading a trial 
at a proper tribunal are very obvious and fully set forth in my impeach- 
ment & which the Genl. has had his pretended trial by which impeach- 
ment it fully appears that Genl. Arnold was resqued from Justice by 
mere dint of unlawfull authority exercised by Genl. Gates. 

Your Petitioner relying on the Wisdom and Justice of Congress begs 
leave to submit [?] himself most Respectfully their very obedt. Humble 
Svt. 

Jno. Brown. 
Petition [?] 

9th June 1779 Honle Jno. Jay Esq. 

Presidt. Congress 

Note 4. 
§ 1. Military Record of John Brown. 

Firgt. Fourteen (14) days in Ticonderoga expedition, engaged in 
capture. (See "Connecticut in Revolution," p. 32.) 

Second. Major, Colonel Easton's Regiment, service from May 10, 1775, 
to December 30, 1775, in list of men who marched to Canada. (See 
"Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors," vol. ii. p. 642.) 

Third. Major of the New York Line, Additional Corps, Green Moun- 
tain Boys. "Major Brown's detachment in Genl. Arnold's Regiment." 
Colonels Ethan Allen and Seth Warner, Quebec, 1776. (See "New York 
in the Revolution," vol. i. p. 61.) On Ust sent Provincial Congi-ess of 
New York, 4 July, 1775. 

Fourth. Lietitenant-colonel. Colonel Samuel Ehnore's Regiment, raised 
for one year from Connecticut and Massachusetts, appointed by Congress 
July 29, 1776, resigned March 15, 1777. Regiment took field July, 1776, 
under General Schuyler. August 25, marched from Albany into Tryon 
County. Posted remainder of term at Fort Stanwix. Broke up in spring 
of 1777. (See "Connecticut in Revolution," p. 113.) The Massachu- 
setts roll states that John Brown was among the men who went to German 
Flats April 1, 1776, and was discharged May 18, 1777. Service, thirteen 
months, eighteen days. 

Fifth. Colonel Third Berkshire Regiment. Commissioned April 4, 



26 

1777. Services in Northern Department not stated. April 14, 1780, 
further appointment as Colonel. Service, three months, five days. Killed 
October 19, 1780. (See Massachusetts Rolls.) 

The above memoranda are imperfect, but I print them from printed 
records. I have not searched the original sources, believing the public 
officials have done all that could be done. 



§2. ColonelJohnBrown'sCommand July 14, 1780, to October 19, 1780. 
Claverack to Stone Arabia, N.Y. 
Colonel, John Brown. Adjutant, James Easton, Jr. 

Major, Oliver Root. Quartermaster, Elias Willard. 

Surgeon, Dr. Oliver Brewster. 



CAPTAIN WILLIAM FOORD'S COMPANY. 



Foord, William, captain. 
Spencer, Alpheus, lieutenant. 
Pearson, Abel, lieutenant. 
Benden, Timothy, sergeant. 
Rothbom, Daniel, sergeant. 
Sloson, Eleazer, sergeant. 
Wheaton, Samuel, sergeant. 
Barber, James, corporal. 
Bond, Bartholomew, corporal. 
Tobie, Nathaniel, corporal. 
Goodrich, Gilbert, of Lenox, private. 
Austin, Shubael, drummer. 
Andrews, Colman, private. 
Alcock, Stephen, private. 
Adams, Aaron, private. 
Burt, Thomas, private. 
Baker, William, private. 
Bell, Henry, private. 
Bateman, Jonathan, private. 
Blen, Solomon, private. 
Balding, Oliver, private. 
Bond, Seth, private. 
Cumington, John, private. 
Case, Ezekiel, private. 
Clarke, David, private. 
Carlton, Peleg, private. 
Carlton, Reuben, private. 
Carter, Elisha, private. 
Cogswell, Levi, private. 



Dean, Joel, private. 

Easton, Calvin, private. 

Ellison, James, private. 

Foot, Asahel, private. 

Gleason, Benoni, private. 

Goodrich, Nathaniel, private. 

Gates, Jonah, private. 

Hatch, William of Nobletown, N.Y., 

private. 
Harrison, Asahel, private. 
Hewitt, Zadok, private. 
Huet, Jeremiah, private. 
Hull, Warren, private. 
Handy, Joseph, of Stockbridge or 

Lee, private. 
Hide, Charles, private. 
Ingraham, Nathan, corporal. 
Juhel, Joseph, private. 
Knolton, Thomas, private. 
Ladd, Joel, private. 
Lewis, John, private. 
McKnite, Thomas, fifer. 
Meres, John, private. 
Milliken, William, private. 
McKnight, William, private. 
Mack, Warren, private. 
Noble, John, private. 
North, John, private. 
Newell, Seth, private. 



27 



Phelps, John, private. 
Parks, Nathan, private. 
Porter, Joseph, Jr., private. 
Porter, Joseph, Sr., private. 
Robbing, Jason, private. 
Reed, Joseph, private. 
Reed, James, private. 
Smith, Ezekiel, private. 
Steams, Zehiel, private. 
Stiles, Josiah, private. 
Stoddard, Philemon, private. 



Sears, David, private. 
Tailor, David, private. 
Tomblin, Moses, private. 
West, William, private. 
Wilson, Shubael, private. 
Woodroof, Amos, private. 
WoUison, Shubael, private. 
Thomas (surname undecipherable), 

private. 
Dunham, Calvin, private. 



CAPTAIN LEVI ELY's COMPANY. 



Ely, Levi, captain. 

Smith, Martin, lieutenant. 

Fowler, Bildad, of West Spring- 
field, lieutenant. 

Stiles, Gideon, lieutenant. 

Smith, Jonathan, quartermaster ser- 
geant. 

Kendal, WUliam, sergeant. 

Noble, Jacob, sergeant. 

Ainsworth, Luther, private. 

Ashley, James, of Westfield, private. 

Allen, William, private. 

Anderson, Samuel, Jr., of Bland- 
ford, private. 

Bruk, Wain Wright, private, killed. 

Bills, William, of Westfield, private. 

Baird, John, private. 

Blackwood, Albright, of Soudon, 
private. 

Badcock, Nathan, private. 

Blair, Alexander, private. 

Church, John, of Westfield, private. 

Colgrove, Joseph, private. 

Chapin, John, private, killed. 

Crooks, James, private. 

Colhiren, Abner, private. 

Coimers, Abraham, private, killed. 

Converse, Isaac, private. 

Crow, John, private. 

Copley, Matthew, private. 
Day, Moses, private. 



Day, Asa, private, killed Oct. 19, 

1780. 
Dewey, Heman, of Westfield, pri- 
vate. 
Dewey, Oliver, of Westfield, private. 
Dimmouth, John, private, killed 

Oct. 19, 1780. 
Ely, Edmond, private. 
Farmar, Elisha, corporal. 
Francis, Aaron, private. 
Francis, Simeon, private. 
Gleason, Daniel, private, killed Oct. 

19, 1780. 
Hill, Dan, private, killed Oct. 19, 

1780. 
Hough, Justus, private. 
Herrick, Ebenezer, private. 
Haley, William, private. 
Hubbard, Jonas, private, killed Oct. 

19, 1780. 
Hill, Primus, private. 
Ingowol, Stephen, drummer. 
Jones, Judah, corporal, killed Oct. 

19, 1780. 
Jones, Ithamar, private. 
Kent, Ezekiel, private. 
Kellegg, Daniel, private. 
Leonard, Russel, private, killed Oct. 

19, 1780. 
Loomis, Josiah, private. 



28 



Loyhead, Thomas, private, killed 

Oct. 19, 1780. 
Miller. Abner, corporal. 
Morgan, Simeon, private. 
Moor, William, private. 
Mathew, Nathan I., private. 
Nott, Selden, private. 
Noble, Paul, of West field, private. 
Noble, Jared, private, killed Oct. 

19, 1780. 
Plumm, Jared, private. 
Pepper, William, private. 
Pitts, Gideon, private. 
Rimington, Jonathan, private. 
Rogers, Isaac, private. 
Read, Amos, private. 
Stewert, Jesse, corporal. 



Smith, David, fifer. 
Smith, James, private. 
Stewart, Moses, private. 
Shephard, Elijah ? 
Taylor, Joseph, corporal. 
Taylor, Jonathan, private. 
Taylor, Thomas, private. 
Vanslow, Justus, private. 
Worthington, Seth, sergeant. 
Worriner, Lewis, corporal. 
Worthington, Stephen, private. 
Whitney, David, private. 
Williams, Roswell, private. 
Walker, John, private. 
Wood worth, Roswell, private. 
Woolworth, Samuel, private. 
Walton, Elijah, private. 



CAPTAIN JOHN spoor's COMPANY. 



Spoor, John, captain. 

Brooks, Jonatlian, of Lanesborough 
lieutenant. 

Ball, Isaac, of Stockbridge, lieuten- 
ant. 

Fish, John, sergeant. 

Jones, William, sergeant. 

Davis, William, corporal. 

Edmun, Andrew, corporal. 

Edy, Briant, private. 

Foster, Jeremiah, of Williamstown 
(also given Weston), corporal. 

Lemmon, Moses, sergeant, killed 
Oct. 19, 1780. 

Tylor, Russell, corporal. 

Jones, Josiah, jifer. 

Cetcham, Joseph, drummer. 

Adams, Peter, private. 

Abbe, John, private. 

Bennett, Jeremiah, private. 

Babcock, Jonathan, private. 

Bradley, Josiah, of Stockbridge, 
private. 

Bush, Japhet, private. 

Bondish, Asa, private. 



Bigsbey, Peletiah. private, killed 

Oct. 19, 1780. 
Barry, John, private. 
Moses, Charles, of Stockbridge, pri- 
vate. 
Comstock, Medad, private. 
Curk, John, private. 
Chapman, Gershom, private. 
Calender, Ezekiel, private. 
Charles, Darius, private. 
Campbel, Sam, private. 
Dickerman, Joel, sergeant, 
Davis, Robert, private, killed Oct. 

19, 1780. 
Dewey, Lalson. of Stockbridge, 

private. 
Egleston, Elijah, private. 
Fuller, Boswell, private, discharged 

September 28. 
Fitch, Nat, private. 
Foster, Jeremiah, Jr., of William.s- 

town (also given Weston), private. 
Gaff, Jacob, private, killed Oct. 19. 

1780. 
Giles, James, private. 



29 



Gregory, "Izband," private. 
Hubbard, Baley, private. 
Heart, Leveret, private. 
Horsford, Ambrose, private, killed 

Oct. 19, 1780. 
Hatch, Solomon, private, killed Oct. 

19, 1780. 
Holmes, John, private. 
Ingersole, Moses, private. 
King, George, of Sheffield, private. 
Lomis, Jacob, private, killed Oct. 

19, 1780. 
Meeken, Oliver, private, killed Oct. 

19, 1780. 
Mansfield, Josiah, private. 
Mash, Abijah, private. 
Monrsurir, Gabriel, private. 
Noble, Joseph, private, killed Oct. 

19, 1780. 
Often, James, private. 



Pixley, Jonah, private. 

Pior, Abner, private. 

Raymond, John, private. 

Rool, "Hewek," private. 

Ransom, Elias, private. 

Root, Roswell, of Sheffield, private. 

Rool, Stephen, private. 

Standish, Asa, private. 

Starr, Thomas, private. 

Saxton, Jesse, private. 

Sprague, Barnabas, private. 

Shearwood, Jonathan, private. 

Tylor, Bezaleel, private. 

Winchel, David, private. 

Watson, Samuel, private. 

Wright, Miles, private. 

Winchel, Ephraim, private. 

Wood, Amaziah, private. 

Webb, Will, private. 



CAPTAIN SAMUEL WARNER S COMPANY. 



Warner, Samuel, captain. 

Norton, Jonathan, lieutenant. 

Chadwick, Ebenezer, of Tyringham, 
lieutenant. 

Tracy, David, sergeant. 

Jackson, Joshua, sergeant. 

Brown, Nathaniel, sergeant. 

Rand, James, sergeant. 

Greppen, Alpheus, sergeant. 

Bush, Caleb, of Sandisfield, corporal. 

Jewet, Joseph, corporal. 

Down, Stephen, corporal. 

Powel, Joseph, of Sheffield, corporal. 

Selton, Stephen, corporal. 

Griffins, Thomas, drummer. 

Pope, Gideon, fifer. 

Noble, Saul, private. 

Allen, Rufus, private. 

Bogworth, Frederick, of Sandis- 
field, private. 

Bogworth, John, of Sandisfield, pri- 
vate. 



Brooks, Shadrack, private. 

Bradle, Isaac, private. 

Bond, Joseph, private. 

Brown, Reuben, of New Marlboro, 
private. 

Blackmer, Isaac, private. 

Bird, Amos, of Tyringham, private. 

Benton, David, Jr., of Sheffield, 
private. 

Brookner, Reuben, private. 

Beckett, William, private, killed 
Oct. 20, 1780. 

Boods, Joel R., private. 

Bradle, Isaac, private. 

Core, Noah, private. 

Clark, Reuben, of Sheffield, private. 

Clark, Wells, private. 

Cooper, Benjamin, private. 

Carter, Elislia, private. 

Cole, Elisha, private. 

Conch, William, of Sandisfield, pri- 
vate. 



30 



Comstock, Rufus, private. 

Callender, Daniel, private, received 
bounty at Sheffield. 

Denely, John, privaie. 

Dunham, Calvin, private. 

French, Ebenezer, private. 

? French, Elisha, private. 

Graten, Care, private. 

Gichel, Joseph, private. 

Gillet, John, private. 

Glaston, Willard, private. 

Guild, Orrange, private. 

Hodg, Daniel, private. 

Huggins, Joseph, of Sheffield, pri- 
vate. 

Heath, George, private. 

Hines, Ezekiel, private. 

Hoskins, Anthony, private. 

Hyde, Theophilus, of Sheffield, pri- 
vate. 

Higgins, Zenas, private. 

Hatch, Seth, of Bennington, private. 

Jaqua, Seth, private. 

Keyes, Elias, private. 

Kilbernt, Robert, private. 

Kelegg, Joel, private. 

Kingsbury, Nathaniel, private. 

Lummis, Noah, private. 



Marel, Abner, private. 

Marcone, Stephen, private. 

Mack, Warren, private. 

Orten, Roger, private. 

Owen, William, of Sheffield, private. 

Remington, Simeon, private. 

Rhods, Adam, private. 

Root, "Rosel," private. 

Sage, David, private. 

Smith, Henry, of Sandisfield, pri- 
vate. 

Spring, Henry, private. 

Skinner, Samuel, private. 

Shed, Samuel, private. 

Shed, Daniel, private. 

Todge, Elias, private. 

Turner, Uriah, private. 

Tuttle, Benjamin, private. 

Underwood, Silas, private. 

Warner, Levi, of Sandisfield, pri- 
vate. 

Warker, Thomas, private. 

Webster, Daniel, private. 

WoUen, Moses, private. 

Whitne, Silas, private. 

White, Solomon, private. 

Bradle, Isaac, private. 

Wording, John M., private. 



CAPTAIN WILLIAM WHITE S COMPANY. 



White, William, captain. 

Beckit, Silas, lieutenant. 

Sprague, John, lieutenant. 

Day, Elkanah, sergeant. 

Stearns, Isaac, sergeant. 

Barker, Ezra, of Lanesborough, 
corporal. 

Allen, Benjamin, corporal. 

Brown, Luther, of Windsor, fifer. 

Allen, John, private. 

Arnold, Jonathan, of Hancock, pri- 
vate. 

Bundee, Elisha, private. 

Barnes, Asa, Jr., private. 



Bryant, John, private. 

Barus, Aaron, private. 

Briggs, Benjamin, private. 

Cleaveland, Jedediah, private. 

Cook, Amasa, private. 

Coree, Josiah, Jr., private. 

Chafee, John, private. 

Coree, Josiah, private. 

Carpenter, Benjamin, of Hancock, 

private. 
Cole, Solomon, private. 
Cowing, Elisha, private. 
Cole, William, Jr., private. 
Doolan, Patrick, private. 



31 



Eddy, Andrew, privaie. 

Gallop, William, private. 

Hanks, Levi, private. 

Haringdon, William, private. 

Holt, Titus, private. 

Harris, Joseph, private. 

Hall, Calvin, private. 

Hill, Gardner, of Hancock, private. 

Harringdon, Peter, private. 

McFarling, William, private. 

Jarvis, Joseph, private. 

Keeler, James, private. 

Lewis, Richard, of Lanesborough, 

private, killed October, 1780. 
Leanord, Soloman, private. 
Lusk, Asa, private. 
McGuire, James, private. 
Morehouse, Matthew, of Hancock, 

private. 
Narramore, Asa, private. 
Oles, Horace, private. 
Parker, Charles, private. 



Pettabone, Amos, private. 

Pearce, Levi, private. 

Parker, Philip, private. 

Parker, Giles, private. 

Powel, Daniel, of Lanesborough, 

private. 
Pettabone, Roger, private. 
Richardson, Nehemiah, private. 
Ross, Willard, private. 
Robbins, Jonathan, private. 
Reed, Simeon, private. 
Rice, Daniel, private. 
Smith, Jonathan, private. 
Stevens, John, private. 
Smith, Simeon, private. 
Slater, James, private. 
Tracey, William, private. 
Thrasher, Charles, of New Ashford, 

private. 
White, William, Jr., private. 
WoUcut, Moses, private. 



Summary. 



Captain William Foord's Company may have been stationed at Middle 
Fort, Schoharie Valley, under command of Major Melancton L. Woolsey. 
See his report of Sept. 27, 1780. It had 

2 Lieutenants, 

4 Sergeants, 

1 Drummer, 

1 Fifer, 

4 Corporals, and 63 men 



76 



Captain Levi Ely's Company had 
3 Lieutenants, 
1 Quartermaster Sergeant, 
3 Sergeants, 
6 Corporals, 
1 Drummer, 
1 Fifer and 66 men 



81 



Captain Ely and 15 men were killed Oct. 19, 1780. 



32 

Captain John Spoor's Company. 
2 Lieutenants, 
4 Sergeants, 

4 Corporals, 
1 Drummer, 

1 Fifer, and 59 men 72 

One man taken prisoner, 11 killed Oct. 19, 1780, 2 killed Oct. 20, 1780. 

Captain Samuel Warner's Company may have been left at Fort 
Paris or stationed elsewhere. 

2 Lieutenants, 

5 Sergeants, 
5 Corporals, 
1 Drummer, 

1 Fifer, and 73 men gg 

Captain William White's Company. 

2 Lieutenants, 
2 Sergeants, 

2 Corporals, 

1 Fifer, and 56 men 64 

1 private killed, 1 private wounded, 1 taken prisoner. 
Wliole force 381 

Total killed Oct. 19, 1780, 29; wounded, 1; prisoner, 1. 

Besides these Berkshire men, perhaps Captain John Kasselman's Tryon 
Company Rangers were at Fort Paris, and Captain John Zelley's Company 
at Fort Keyser. 

From "New York in the Revolution": — 

Tryon County Rangers. 

Captain, John Kasselman. Lieutenant, John Empie. 
Ensign, George Gittman. 

Badier, John. Kasselman, John. 

Bickerd, Adolph. Kutzer, Leonard. 

Dusler, Jacob. Kulman, Henry. 

Empie, John. Shnell. John. 

Ettigh, Conrad. Smith, Henry. 

Fry, Jacob. Smith, William. 

Gittman, Peter. Strater, Nicholas. 

Harth, Daniel. Tillenbach, Christian. 

Hayne, George. Vanderwerke, John. 

Hortigh, Andrew. Walter, Adams. 

House, Peter. Walter, Christian. 



33 

Probably at Fort Paris. 

Captain John Zelley's Company, Second Regiment, Tryon County, 
Colonel Jacob Klock. 

Also John Wafel, William Wafel, Conrad Spraker, George Spraker, 
William (?)Dygert. 

Probably at Fort Keyser. 

Note 5. 

See "Rules and Articles for better Government of the Troops of the 
Thirteen United English Colonies of North America." Printed by 
Wilham and Thomas Bradford, 1775. John Hancock, President. Phila- 
delphia, Nov. 7, 1775. (Massachusetts Historical Society Collections.) 

Plunder or pillage always incident to war, and, whatever rules exist 
for restraint, the conflict usually leads to authorized devastation and 
plunder, retaliatory to exhaust the enemy. For instances, in Civil War 
of 1861-65, Sherman's destruction of property in march through South- 
em territory, Sheridan's destroying agents in the Shenandoah Valley. 

By Hague rule of 1899, July 29, pillage of a town or place even when 
taken by assault is prohibited. 
How about Allies in Pekin? 

See Instructions to United States Army in the field. General Orders, 
April 24, 1863, War of Rebelhon:— 

All wanton violence committed against persons in the invaded country, 
all destruction of property not commanded by the authorized officer, 
all robbing, all pillage and sacking even after taking a place by main force, 
all rape, wounding, maiming or killing of such inhabitants are prohibited, 
under penalty of death or such other severe punishment as may seem 
adequate to the gravity of the offence. 

A soldier, officer, or private may be killed by superior officer for such 
act. See John Bassett Moore's "Digest of International Law." 

Note 6. 

Brown was more outspoken than General Wayne. See "Major-general 
Anthony Wayne, and the Pennsylvania Line," by Charles J. Stills, 
President Historical Society of Pennsylvania. J. B. Lippincott Company, 
1893. (Pages 235 et seq.) 



34 



General Anthony Watne to H. A. Sheel. 

Havekstraw near Stoney Point 
2d Oct 1780. 
Dear Sheel 

I am confident that the perfidy of Gen^ Arnold will astonish the multi- 
tude — the high rank he bore — the eclat he had obtained (whether hon- 
estly or not) justified the world in giving it him. 

But there were a few Gentlemen who at a very early period of this war 
became acquainted with his true character! when you asked my opinion 
of that officer I gave it freely & believe you thought it rather strongly 
shaded. 

I think I informed you that I had the most despicable Idea of him 
both as a Gentleman & a Soldier — & that he had produced a conviction 
on me in 1776 that honor & true Virtue were Strangers to his Soul 
and however Contradictory it might appear — that he never possessed 
either fortitude or personal bravery — he was naturally a Coward and 
never went in the way of Danger but when Stimulated by liquor even to 
Intoxication, consequently Incapacitated from Conducting any Command 
Committed to his charge. 

I shall not dwell upon his Military Character or the measures he had 
adopted for the surrender of West Point — that being already fully Eluci- 
dated but will give you a small specimen of his peculate talents. 

What think you of his employing Sutlers to retail the publick Liquors 
for his private Emolument & furnishing his Quarters with beds & other 
furniture by paying for them with Pork, Salt, Flour &c. drawn from the 
Magazine — he has not stopped here, he has descended much lower — «fe 
defrauded the old Veteran Soldiers who have bled for their Country in 
many a well fought field — for more than five Campaigns among others an 
old Sergeant of mine has felt his rapacity by the Industry of this man's 
wife they had accumulated something handsome to support them in 
their advanced age — which coming to the knowledge of this cruel Spoiler — 
he borrowed 4500 dollars from the poor Credulous Woman & left her 
in the lurch. 

The dirty — dirty acts which he has been capable of Committing beggar 
all description — and are of such a nature as would cause the Infemals 
to blush — were they accused with the Invention or Execution of them. 

The detached & Debilitated state of the Garrison of West Point — 
Insured success to the assailants — the enemy were all in perfect readiness 
for the Enterprise — & the discovery of the treason only prevented an 
Immediate attempt by open force to carry those works which perfidy 
would have effected the fall of, by a slower & less sanguine mode. — Our 
army was out of protecting distance the troops in the possession of the 
Works a spiritless Miserabile Vulgus — in whose hands the fate of America 
seemed suspended in this Situation his Excellency (in imitation of Caesar 



35 

<fc his tenth legion) called for his Veterans — the summons arrived at one 
o'clock in the morning & we took up our line of March at 2. 

Hugh A. Shtiiel to General Wayne. 

Phila Oct. 22, 1780 
My dear General 

. . . the character you gave me in confidence of Arnold several months 
ago made a strong impression on my mind it has been verified fully — his 
villany & machinations never could have been carried on but through 
the medium of his Tory acquaintance in this place. . . . 



36 



APPENDIX. 

A very valuable map of the Province of New York, by Claude Josei)h 
Sauthier, drawn for Major-general William Tryon in 1779, is found in 
"The Documentary History of New York," showing the Mohawk Valley 
grants, old forts, etc. 

Fort Paris, Dec. 19, 1776, Captain Christian Getman's Rangers, 
Tryon County militia, were stationed at Stone Arabia, and were ordered, 
when not ranging, to cut timber for building a fort, under direction of 
Isaac Paris, Esq. (Mr. Paris was in Provincial Congress and later in 
State Senate.) It was a palisaded enclosure of stone and block-houses for 
a garrison of from two to three hundred (200-300) men. Begun in 
December, 1776, it was completed in the spring of 1777. It was situated 
on a most beautiful plain three or four miles north-east of Fort Plain, 
one-half a mile north of Stone Arabia churches, twelve (12) rods from 
the road. North of it water would run into the Sacondaga, and thence 
into upper waters of the Hudson; south into Mohawk waters. It is 
easily reached from Palatine Bridge, and is nearly one thousand feet above 
sea-level. In the fall of 1779, Colonel Fred. Fisher (Visscher), of Third 
Regiment, Tryon County militia, was at Fort Paris. 

May 12, 1780, Colonel Jacob Klock, Second Regiment of Tryon County 
men, was there. 

June 24, 1780, General Robert Van Rensselaer, of Second Brigade of 
Albany militia, was ordered to Fort Paris. 

July 26, 1780, he left there (perhaps, however, to return), to assist 
the Canajoharie men at Fort Schuyler. 

When John Brown took command there I do not know. 

The conclusion of the matter of Oct. 19, 1780 was battle of Klock' s 
Field or Fox's Mills. On that day and the 18th Sir John Johnson laid 
waste the whole of Stone Arabia district after burning Caughnawaga. 

Brown's defeat in the morning of October 19 did not, however, involve 
Fort Paris, which was held by Major Root. Although immediate relief 
of the fort and pursuit of Johnson were essential. Van Rensselaer did not 
cross the Mohawk until afternoon, crossing at Fort Plain. The enemy 
was entrenched on the north side of the river, about St. Johnsville, near 
a stockade or block-house at Klock's. Fort House, a small block-house, 
was the exact place where just before night a "smart brush" occurred 
between the British and the Americans under Colonel Dubois. Colonel 
Dubois took a position above Johnson, on the heights of the north side, 
to prevent his passage up the river. Colonel Harper, with the Oneida 
Indians, was on the south side of the river, nearly opposite. General Van 



37 

Rensselaer after all this forward movement and the slight attack, did 
not hold his position, but fell back three miles down the river. 

The enemy camped on land of the late Judge Jacob G. Klock, I sup- 
pose, colonel of Second Regiment, Tryon County militia, and, "soon after 
the moon appeared," moved to a fording-place just above a well-known 
citizen's (Nathan Christie) residence, and retreated on the south side 
of the Mohawk, passing Oneida Castle, and pushing westward for Cana- 
seraga on Chittenango Creek, near Lake Oneida. 



